Beginning our afternoon with a Tour of the Fountain Estate, our lovely tour guide, Glenn, described the deep social divisions between Loyalist and Republican areas, revealing certain tells of which side you were on. Ranging from the type of clothes you wore to what instrument(s) you played, early memories of Glenn growing up in a Protestant family and in high conflict areas were marked by running into his Grandma’s house with the sound of gunfire in the background, to looking underneath his Dad’s car every morning for a “box” (aka a bomb, considering his Dad was a member of the UDR and was a common target for the IRA).
Although there is only one serious peace wall in the area, gates that would be shut during curfew can still be seen; the walls are entirely open and fully walkable, as contrasted with Belfast’s gates still closing every night. The estate itself is built with a defensive architecture, with houses facing inward in a circular fort, symbolizing the metaphorical idea of “your backs to the rest of the world” (Glenn, Personal Communication, June 6, 2026). In this sense, there is a safety in ignoring what was going on outside the gates and the peace wall, bringing forth a childhood of gates, fences, and no-go areas. This, combined with the constant British symbols and paintings in Protestant communities (such as the red, white, and blue on sidewalk curbs), represents a claim to the territory.
Following the tour, in an interview with Glenn, topics such as removing the peace wall, politics, music, and Northern Ireland’s representation globally were discussed. However, the discussion on music in particular reminded me of Social Identity Theory (SIT). Social Identity Theory proposes that individuals define themselves partly through the social groups they belong to, using group membership to understand their place in the world and to achieve a positive sense of self (Tajfel and Turner, 1986). Music at the time was a subculture deemed completely separate from the ongoing violent conflict between the two communities, and was a way for individuals to shed a dominant social mask. Music was separate from reality, offered as a distraction that let you be whoever you wanted to be. While the common social identities of being either Protestant or Catholic, Unionist or Loyalist, and British or Irish commonly developed many individuals’ sense of purpose, the actions they took, and the communities they belonged to, music offered a rare space that existed outside of those rigid categories. In a society where identity was so heavily policed, literally and socially, the ability to step outside of your assigned group, even temporarily, was significant. This complicates a straightforward reading of SIT. Rather than simply reinforcing this idea of in-group belonging, music served as a form of resistance to an individual’s dominant social identity when the stakes of that identity felt too heavy to carry.
Taking a look into the Peacebuilder Exhibition (housed in the Gasyard Centre in the Bogside), this museum traces 30 years of conflict, community resilience, and the long road to peace in Northern Ireland, told largely through the lens of 3 Derry men: John Hume, Martin McGuinness, and Mitchel McLaughlin. The story the museum tells begins on August 1, 1972, the day after Operation Motorman, when thousands of British soldiers invaded Free Derry, dismantling the barricades that had turned the Bogside, Creggan, and Brandywell into a self-governing no-go zone since 1969. From there, insight into political conflicts with the British government, the intense hunger strike strategy for political prisoner status (March 1981), the development of Sinn Féin and its growing political status, the 1994 ceasefire, and the eventual road toward the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 was displayed.
*A recreation of what a prison cell would’ve looked like during the “Dirty Protest” lasting from 1978-1981 in the Peacebuilder Museum
After finishing up exploring the exhibit, we then had an insightful conversation with Glenn and his wife, Aiveen, at Gasyard. Being a mixed couple, Glenn from the Protestant community and Aiveen from the Catholic community, their insight into growing up with violence and prejudice established a struggle for identity, the social pressure to remain divided (or be ostracized), and frustrations over how Northern Ireland is represented to others. While the Troubles/Conflict is an important aspect of history to be reviewed and remembered, Glenn and Aiveen shared how hundreds of years of Ireland’s overarching history and culture should be more recognized. Further topics, such as “trauma tourism” and the exploitation of violence for revenue, showed how identity in Northern Ireland becomes simplified to a 30-year period in time. Additionally, Glenn and Aiveen’s hopes for further investment in the arts and wider accessibility for creation and expression, the idea of reunification and the creation of a “New Ireland,” as well as paving a new path for their daughter amidst a struggling economy and the region’s “up in the air” future, allowed our group to deeply reflect. If culture is continuous, how will it develop in Northern Ireland?
References
CAIN Web Service. (n.d.). Conflict and politics in Northern Ireland. Ulster University. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk
CAIN Web Service. (n.d.). The 1981 hunger strike. Ulster University. https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/hstrike
Gasyard Centre. (n.d.). Home. https://www.gasyardcentre.com
Hume, J. (1998). John Hume — biographical. Nobel Prize Organisation. https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1998/hume/biographical
Peacemakers Museum Derry. (n.d.). Home. https://www.peacemakersmuseumderry.com
Sinn Féin. (n.d.). Home. https://www.sinnfein.ie
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In S. Worchel & W. G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 276–293). Nelson-Hall. https://christosaioannou.com/Tajfel%20and%20Turner%201986.pdf
UK Government. (1998). The Belfast Agreement. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-belfast-agreement