June 10 – Nonviolence and the Political Strategy | Peace Communication in Northern Ireland

Today, we focused on current politics in Northern Ireland. We spent the first half of our day at Stormont, the Northern Ireland Assembly legislative building. There are nine parties represented in Northern Ireland, with most popularity in the Democratic Unionist Party (Unionist) and Sinn Fein (Nationalist). Upon arrival, we had the privilege of having a spontaneous conversation with Pat Sheehan, a member of the legislative assembly for Sinn Fein in Northern Ireland. Anna McErlean, support officer for the Alliance Party, gave us a tour of the building, which included fascinating political history. In an assembly room, she discussed the party’s current state and future goals. Next, assembly member Daniel McCrossan spoke about the Social Democratic and Labour Party. Lastly, we visited the Irish Secretariat to speak with Róisín Hinds and Lawrence Simms about their role in political collaboration between the North and South.

Pat Sheehan gave firm declaration that Sinn Fein is headed towards a United Ireland and why it is necessary. All three politicians touched an the subject as an ongoing political contention. However, Róisín Hinds and Lawrence Simms offered unique insight into the logistics of that occurring in the near future. Realistically, Simms stated that there is not much of a political plan for a united Ireland. For example, it is uncertain how the vote would be conducted in regards to a potential referendum in the South. It is fascinating that there is no plan for how Ireland would unite, despite decades of it being a top political concern. This demonstrates how the Secretariat’s unique role of considering the perspectives of the North and the South reveals technical issues with merging economies, public services, and ideologies.

A strong theme of politics’ role in the transition to nonviolence emerged. Previously, hearing from a variety of perspectives helped contextualize how violence was the method used because oppressed communities could not use democratic means. Catholics were allowed one vote per household; voting was just one example of nonviolent methods not being accessible. Politicians now strategically represent all voices to prevent reverting to violent means to be heard. It is notable how Pat Sheehan introduced himself as a former political prisoner and 1981 hunger striker. Although violent actions have been condemned or denied in many cases, prominent politicians center their beliefs and campaigns on their historical commitment to the Republican cause. This is striking because it undeniably ties them to a violent and arguably criminal past. As a politician’s responsibility to represent the population, his identity as a political prisoner is crucial to fully represent Republican voices. It is an essential peace-building lesson that the Republicans transformed from a violent military strategy to a political strategy. Erica Chenoweth’s research argues that post-pandemic, nonviolent movements have shifted strategy. Since 2020, there has been significant movement toward “relationship-building, grassroots organizing, strategy, and planning” (Chenoweth, 2020). This nonviolent switch reflects the success and potential of a larger nonviolent movement.

Another key aspect of their political system is the multi-party system. Sinn Fein and the DUP have nearly equal political power, and parties like the Alliance Party and SDLP represent everything in between. Both the SDLP and Alliance party discussed their assistance in ending the violence because neutral voices were necessary to foster collaboration. This is an important takeaway, that representing all voices in the population in a political system can prevent violence.

The representatives of the Alliance party and the SDLP touched on the long shadows that violence casts, proving its harm for generations even in a “post-conflict” or post-peace agreement society. Both discussed disbanding paramilitaries as a top priority for local politics. The Alliance Party discussed offering a way out of paramilitary cycles because the paramilitaries still operate as a means to control and for money instead of political means. The SDLP discussed a recent bomb scare in West Belfast. Even if it is only small amounts of violence, its effects are felt by the community. Both parties adamantly stated that violence did not lead to a solution, and struggling with the echoes of a violent past proves that point. The readings discuss the myth of necessary violence as a paradox in that violence guarantees the continuance of violence (Barry, 2013). This reflects these parties’ sentiments towards violence, contrasting with various speakers that supported the myth of necessary violence. Both political parties’ goals are towards comprehensive nonviolence, where nonviolence “must be both means and ends” (Barry, 2013, p. 102). Therefore, violence must not ever be permissible. Regardless of whether it was necessary to achieve the peace process and equitable political process Northern Ireland has now, violence is undeniably part of their past. Moving forward, their representative politics offer comprehensive representation to sustain the larger nonviolent movement.

References

Chenoweth, E. (2020). The future of nonviolent resistance. Journal of Democracy 31(3), 69-84. https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0046.

Barry L. Gan. (2013). Violence and Nonviolence : An Introduction. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Tour of Stormont with Anna McErlean